The communist regime was based on "class values", the notion that right and wrong are determined by the interests of the dominant class. In the wake of communism's fall, moral coherence for society could, as a result, only be achieved through the establishment of universal values. That, as a practical matter, required the efforts of the Russian Orthodox Church and, perhaps, the government. The church, however, was crippled by its history of collaboration with the KGB, and successive governments emphasized not the sanctity of the individual as a source of values but the prerogatives of the state.
The story of the post-communist Russian Orthodox Church is one of lost opportunities. After the failure of the 1991 pro-communist coup, Gleb Yakunin, a dissident priest and member of the parliament, was briefly given access to a section of the KGB archives which showed that the top hierarchs of the Moscow Patriarchate were agents of the KGB. The most important KGB agent was the Patriarch, Alexei II, himself. Yakunin wrote to Alexei and said that he and other church leaders should deny the charges of collaboration or ask for forgiveness, pointing out that "our people are forgiving." But only one archbishop, Khrizostom of Lithuania, had the courage to acknowledge that he worked as an agent for the KGB and to reveal his codename, "Restavrator." All of the other implicated church leaders remained silent.
With the transition to capitalism, the church quickly became the beneficiary of official privileges, including the right to import duty-free alcohol and tobacco and to trade in diamonds, gold andoil. Not surprisingly, this gave rise to widespread corruption. Although the church claimed to lack funds for charitable activities and religious education, its business interests produced enormous profits that then had a tendency to disappear. For example, in 1995 the Nikolo-Ugreshsky Monastery, which is directly subordinated to the Patriarchate, earned $350 million from the sale of alcohol, and the Patriarchate's department of foreign church relations earned $75 million from the sale of tobacco. But the Patriarchate reported an annual budget in 1995-96 of only $2 million.
Against this background, the role of religion in the country's moral resurrection was necessarily limited. Church hierarchs pursued their commercial interests and were in turn imitated by ordinary priests who pursued theirs, blessing businesses, banks, homes and automobiles and exorcising "unclean powers" for a fee. At the same time, the church did not allow itself the slightest political role, remaining silent on such genuine moral issues as Russia's pervasive corruption and the killing of noncombatants in Chechnya.
From a Russian site, http://eng.terror99.ru/publications/100.htm